Archive for the ‘Pakhtunkhwa’ Category
NA-1: The Tsunami Breaker
By the morning of May 12th, PTI’s tsunami had officially swept through Peshawar valley. This was a victory that was mostly at the expense of the ANP, thus prompting many to declare it to be a spent force, the strongest proof of which was the routing of Ghulam Ahmad Bilour on NA-1 and that too with a mammoth margin of 66 thousand votes. But yet, just two months later, Ghulam Bilour has reclaimed his seat.
So what happened exactly?
One explanation paints the PTI as being alone against an alliance of ANP, PPP, and JUI-F and thus overwhelmed by its experienced opposition. But then that is factually incorrect as PTI had its own set of allies, including the Jamat I Islami (JI) and Qaumi Watan Party (QWP). Furthermore, the local leadership of PML-N had also announced its support for PTI. The strength of these two alliances can be assessed from their performance during the recent general elections. On May 11th, PPP and JUI-F had a total of 11,859 votes while JI, QWP and PML-N had 12,977 votes for NA-1. Based on these numbers, PTI actually had a stronger rather than a weaker electoral alliance when compared with ANP.
The selection of Gul Bacha is another reason cited for PTI’s defeat, as he was a “non-entity”. But then just two months ago another non-entity by the name of Javed Nasim defeated Haroon Bilour on PK-3. It should be mentioned here that this is the constituency of Bashir Bilour Shaheed, one that he managed to maintain even during MMA’s whitewash of 2002. But yet despite Bashir Bilour’s martyrdom, PK-3 preferred a non-entity to his son, perhaps because the non-entity came with the name of PTI; a name that generated trust and hope.
In my opinion PTI’s defeat in NA-1 is a weakening of its ability to generate trust. It was this particular ability that allowed PTI to sweep Peshawar valley with mere non-entities. But now that trust is being squandered because of the immature behavior of its leadership and more importantly through the inability of KP government to deliver on its promises.
The immaturity of PTI’s leadership was evident in the way it dealt with Samad Mursalin. This is the same Samad Mursalin who ran from PF-2 (now PK-2, a sub constituency of NA-1) on a PTI ticket in 1997. He was the face of PTI in Peshawar city back in the 90s. One would expect that considering Samad’s long time association, Imran Khan himself would try to defuse the situation, by convincing Samad in person.
However, it appears that Imran Khan was actually avoiding Samad, and that too in the most ridiculous of manners. Apparently when Samad tried meeting with Imran Khan at the CM house Peshawar, he was tricked into going into a waiting room and then was locked inside along with his workers. They were allowed to leave only after Imran Khan had left the premises. Samad’s angry press conference after this incident was reported in the national as well as local press.
Subsequently, the provincial leadership made a few half-hearted attempts, but then publicly announced the cancellation of Samad’s membership right before election. And just for extra measure called him a “back stabber” in an official statement. Samad’s reaction to this childish behavior needs to be seen as more of a response to an insult rather than a breach of loyalty.
But would a mere ticket allocation explain this defeat? Many claim an unofficial victory for PTI by saying that the sum total of Samad’s and Gul Bacha’s votes is more than that of the ANP. However, this claim is factually incorrect, as according to ECP; Samad received a total of 1,707 votes, while Gul Bacha received 28,911. Their total of 30,681 votes is still less than that of ANP at 34,386 votes. So even if there were no splits, PTI still would have either lost this seat or managed a very close win.
Surely this massive reduction of 66,000 votes and that too within a span of two months cant only be associated with the selection of a wrong candidate. A constituency of 320,000 registered voters must have had other issues that affected its voting decision.
In my opinion this is where PTI’s performance comes into play, and 83 days is more than enough of a time to assess promises that were made to be fulfilled within 90 days. It is very clear that PTI has been unable to meet the standards of governance and conduct which it demanded of previous Government and which it promised to its voters.
But besides not being able to meet its own set standards, PTI is also struggling to match up with its predecessors. This is especially true when it comes to the issue of terrorism, an issue that is central to the terror ridden constituency of NA-1, whose Qissa Khawani bazar has been a preferred target of the Taliban.
It is no coincidence that after the arrival of PTI’s government, there has been a sudden increase in Taliban’s extortion activities in Peshawar. This has mainly affected the business community a substantial proportion of which is based in the inner city, an area that falls under NA-1.
The Government’s response has largely been ineffective as there are reports of a demoralized police force, with some officials blaming the PTI government for a lack of resolve in fighting the TTP. This lack is evident in the inability of PTI’s government to even condemn the Taliban.
On talk shows it has become a joke to get an unconditional condemnation of the TTP from KP’s ministers, with both opposition leaders as well as anchors daring PTI leaders to do so. Shaukat Yousafzai, on Nasim Zehra’s show, went to the extent of saying that he had not heard about TTP’s threats to the ANP, PPP and MQM and therefore will not condemn them.
While such wisdom buys safety for PTI’s leadership, it is also costing them the trust of the people who came out in droves to vote for PTI. It is very likely that the tsunami that began in Peshawar valley could very well end here as well and from the looks of it, the process for that might have already started.
The Lesser Khakis
In the aftermath of D.I.Khan’s jail break, Pakhtunkhwa’s minister for Revenue and Estate, Ali Amin Khan Gandapur visited the jail. Talking to reporters he expressed his frustration with both the army and police for being unable to thwart this attack.
He began by pointing out that despite the presence of two brigades in D.I.Khan cantonment, the army did not engage the terrorists. On this, the minister decently expressed some “tahafuzaat” (reservations).
But then he turned his attention towards the police, and out come accolades such as “Nikamay”, “Nikhatu”, and “Buzdil”. The good minister seemed disgusted with the fact that only 5 policemen were martyred. As body counts of “at least 50 if not 100” are decent estimates of bravery.
This disgust for the police and respectful grumbles for army is something not particular to Mr. Gandapur. It reflects the mindset of this nation. From political talk shows to comedy stage shows, castigation and ridicule of our police is the norm.
Those justifying this discrimination, do it by declaring Police to be corrupt, and therefore less respectable than army. But scandals like NLC refute the myth of an incorruptible army. Furthermore, our three military dictatorships can be accredited with most if not all of the problems we face today. Effects of Police bribery seems puny when compared with this.
But blaming the army as a whole is deemed offensive, because an institution should not be blamed for the deeds of some individuals. After all, Zia ul Haq and Major Aziz Bhatti Shaheed were two completely different people. One was a traitor, while the other a martyr.
And I agree, while no institution should be above accountability, generalizations based on uniforms are unfair. Our army is composed of far too many patriots than those who exploit the leverage associated with their uniform. The ultimate proof of their patriotism is a willingness to embrace martyrdom and a long list of those who already have.
But then how is our police any different? Has it not offered its own martyrs? Pakhtunkhwa’s Police, alone has a list of more than 1000 in the last 10 years, add to it those from other provinces and you have many more.
Police constables across Pakistan man check points knowing very well that the next driver might be a suicide bomber. Many of us today owe our lives to a split second decision of some brave police martyr who chose country over life. How is this display of patriotism any different from that of the soldiers who man our borders?
Names like Malik Saad Shaheed, Sifwat Ghayur Shaheed, Fayyaz Ahmad Sumbal Shaheed and many others are no less in stature than names like Major Raja Aziz Bhatti Shaheed, Sawar Muhammad Hussain Shaheed, and Sher Khan Shaheed. Both groups were the sons of this soil, who died with their boots on and presented Pakistan with the ultimate sacrifice. But yet, there is no Noor Jehan to sing for the martyrs of our Police and no national day to celebrate their sacrifice.
On the 8th of August a bombing in Balochistan wiped out some of its top police officials, an attack which in its magnitude seems similar to the one on Malik Saad Shaheed that decimated the top brass of Pakhtunkhwa police, a loss from which the province is yet to recover.
But Pakistan, as a whole, did not care on that blood soaked eve. Instead what came to the fore was the face of Mufti Muneeb and the joys of eating vermicelli. The headline news on PTV at 10 pm began with the Eid announcement, followed by the PM getting a briefing on the LoC situation and then came the news about the 38 martyrs of Quetta. Private news channels were no different.
Any self-respecting nation would have flown its flag half-mast to honor this sacrifice. Instead these martyrs were honored with the cancellation of PM’s “Eid Milan party”, and that alone was deemed as sufficient.
Are we so blind to realize that these men were targeted because of their uniform, a uniform they donned to defend this thankless mob of 180 million? But, forget the rest of Pakistan, even Quetta reverberated with joyous aerial firing on the eve of this massacre.
The aftermath of D.I.Khan’s jailbreak has also been marred by the same bias that underestimates the abilities and courage of our police. Its analysis usually starts with the Taliban arrival at the gates of the jail, ignoring their journey from Waziristan to D.I.Khan and back. By beginning from the gates of the jail, this version conveniently cites “low morale”, “cowardice” and a lack of training as probable reasons of failure. All of which implicate the police.
While there is no doubt that police morale has been lowered due to the inane policies of the current KP government, and that it can definitely do with better equipment and training. But using these excuses for the D.I.Khan incident is a bit of a stretch.
The terrorists originated from Waziristan and went back there unchallenged. If cowardice and low morale is to explain police reluctance to engage, then the same should explain the reluctance at several army checkpoints as well as that of the two brigades present in DI Khan cantt.
It does not make sense to say that thousands of uniformed men from both the police and army had a simultaneous and sudden attack of cowardice. It is possible that these men might have been ordered to stand down, and it is essential that this possibility be investigated. Making a scapegoat of the police will only demoralize them further.
Nations honor and celebrate their martyrs. It is one of those things that differentiates a nation from a mob. This Eid, Pakistan acted like a mob, a shameless and thankless mob. It is high time that we start acting like a nation because acting like one is essential for surviving as one.
Published in The News on 15th of August 2013, under the title “Police: how many should die?”
Peshawar’s Bravest Son
Bashir Bilour’s speech filmed by: Irfan Ullah Paracha
Election is a time of promises. Promises backed up by past deeds. Deeds which assure of virtues. In these days of terror, courage is one virtue that everyone with a microphone is trying to sell. Some do it by likening themselves to big scary cats, while others claim to be natural disasters.
But talk is cheap as it is the walk that counts.
Fear is an inclination to avoid unwanted consequences. Courage helps overcome that inclination. The more drastic the consequence, the higher is the level of courage required to overcome it.
Consider two individuals; Asif Ali Zardari and Baitullah Mehsud. One has allegations of corruption against him, while the other has proudly owned the killing of thousands. As Pakistanis we have the right to criticize both and it should be a no-brainer as to who deserves more.
But then consider the consequences; call Zardari what ever you want and there are none, but the same isn’t true for Baitullah Mehsud.
In today’s Pakistan, death is a likely consequence for politicians who dare to criticize the Taliban. This particular fact creates a threshold that separates the lions from the goats.
Recently there has been an acute shortage of lions among our political leadership and Bashir Ahmad Bilour was one of those very few we had.
To understand Bashir Bilour’s contribution, one has to consider the plight of his region, i.e. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and FATA. This area has been subjected to one of the deadliest terror campaigns in recent history, and Bashir Bilour’s Peshawar is one of the worst hit in this region.
For his people the flash of a “breaking news” sign is a cue to panic. Panic about the loved ones who are not in physical proximity. The mangled up car shown on TV suddenly starts to look familiar, and a non-responding cellphone raises fears of injury or even death. The unlucky few realize their ultimate nightmare while the lucky majority makes a vow to submit to terror and curtails its personal freedoms.
Bashir Bilour tried liberating his people from this psychological grip of terror. And he did that through his own courageous behavior. When other leaders would mince their words to denounce Taliban massacres, Bashir Bilour would be one of the very few to boldly step forward and point his finger at the villains. After almost every bombing in Peshawar, he along with Miyaan Iftikhar (both serving ministers) would be present on the scene. A very courageous act, especially in a country where security protocols for civilian as well as military VIPs resemble small armies.
It was with this established ethos of courage and dedication that Bashir Bilour used to address his audiences. This video is of one of his last speeches; he was martyred approximately two months after this.
His speech is about hope and encouragement. He praises the people of Peshawar for their courage and unity in the face of terror. He takes on the stereotyping of Peshawar’s Hindko speakers as weaklings and tells his audience, that they should not take that from anyone because their leaders have been as steadfast as rocks in this crisis. He narrates how he refused to cower while facing a suicide bomber and how he ventured into Darra Adam Khel despite security warnings from officials.
And then he shares the secret of his strength; which is a simple belief, that the time of death has already been decided. It is a belief that is shared by most in this country, albeit with varying degrees of strength. With his own actions Bashir Bilour probably aimed to strengthen this particular belief among his terror stricken people, to a level that would enable them to live normally.
But his enemies finally got to him, and Peshawar lost one of its bravest sons.
They say fear is contagious but then so is courage, if Bashir Bilour’s targeting was intended to instill fear, then it definitely has had the reverse effect. In his martyrdom, Bashir Bilour has become a symbol of fearless defiance whose ownership has gone beyond the ANP. If the plan was to make an example out of him, then that plan has failed. He for sure has become an example, but not one to take heed from, rather one to be emulated.
Naya Tirah
A hope was kindled in the hearts of many in the aftermath of the massacre at Quetta’s Alamdar road. In response to Lashkar e Jhangvi’s (LeJ) ownership of the killings, the leader of Pakistan Tehreek I Insaaf (PTI), Imran Khan, openly condemned LeJ by taking its name.
In most countries such a condemnation would be the minimum expected from a politician. But in Pakistan most politicians shy away from naming jihadi perpetrators, even when the killers are taking responsibility.
These politicians overwhelmingly belong to the parties from the center and right of Pakistan’s political spectrum. Imran Khan in particular has been called out by many of his critics for failing to condemn terrorism. Therefore, it was significant that he had condemned the LeJ, especially when one also considers his popularity.
But then, just days after his condemnation, Imran Khan repeated the mantra that has earned him the title of “Taliban Khan”.
In an interview, Khan Sahib offered this three-step solution to the problem of militancy:
Step 1: Disengage from the US led War on Terror (WoT).
Step 2: This will rob Taliban of their reason for Jihad, and most Taliban will renounce militancy.
Step 3: Use the tribes of FATA to take on the remaining Taliban.
This very simple solution is based on some very false assumptions. Consider this conclusion where he claims “Qabaili ilaqay k loag Mujahideen say nahi larain gay” i.e. “People of the tribal areas will not fight against the Mujahideen”. To conclude this is to assume the tribes of FATA to be in an alliance of sorts with the Taliban. It is important to analyze this assumption, because this is the cornerstone of PTI’s solution for militancy.
The implications of assuming a tribal-Taliban alliance are huge as it leads to the conclusion that the Pashtuns of FATA are partners in the crimes committed by the Taliban.
Now consider the fact that the TTP’s list of victims spreads across almost every sect and ethnicity in Pakistan. Try telling the relatives of a Punjabi victim of terror that the Pashtuns of FATA killed their loved one in order to avenge US drones. Sympathy is the last thing that should be expected. It is a highly irresponsible statement to be coming from a national leader.
But then this is not just about maintaining Pakistan’s ethnic harmony, as it is absolutely wrong to assume a tribal-Taliban alliance, because a majority of the people of FATA themselves are victims of the Taliban.
For the rest of us, Taliban rule is a fear that is still part of an uncertain future. But for many in FATA this is an every day reality. A whole generation is being raised without the hope that education provides or the lifeline that a health system extends. Ban on polio drops, enforced prayers and beards, lashings and beheadings. This is the life that no one would want, especially not the tribes of FATA who have always prided themselves on being Azad (free).
Contrary to the preposterous claim by the Chairman of PTI, the tribes of FATA are actually already fighting against the Taliban. The proof for that is overwhelming; anti Taliban Lashkars have been raised across FATA and around 1000 tribal elders have been massacred by the Taliban. A survey conducted by CAMP in 2010 asked the people of FATA about their views on the Pakistani Taliban; mere 11% had positive perceptions, similarly only 20% approved of the Afghan Taliban. Another survey of FATA respondents conducted by the New America Foundation in 2010, whose results have widely been used to oppose drones, also showed a mere 20% support for Pakistani Taliban, while only 29% for Afghan Taliban.
Ironically, this 23rd of March, when the PTI was heralding the beginning of a “Naya Pakistan” in Lahore, the assumptions of its anti terror policy were being blown up in the valley of Tirah (FATA).
The people of Tirah were being driven out en masse. But neither were they being attacked by CIA drones nor chased by US marines. Instead, they were under attack from the Tehreek I Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The same TTP, which the Chairman of PTI assumes to be in alliance with the people of Tirah.
Not only were these “Mujahideen” fighting against the Qabail, but they were fighting in a most despicable manner. Horrific stories are coming out of the area; of an old father shooting his disabled daughter because he could not carry her, and neither did he want to leave her at the mercy of the Taliban. Of men getting beheaded even after they had surrendered.
Imagine being one of these IDPs from Tirah; chased by the Taliban, losing your home and relatives to them, and then being told by a “FATA expert” that you are an ally of the Taliban; just because the US has invaded Afghanistan, and also because your grandfather fought the British. One can only imagine the response.
To an extent the problem also lies in Imran Khan’s romanticized perceptions about Pashtuns. It is very common to hear Khan sahib talk about the tribes of FATA as one would about the Klingons from Star Trek; warrior nation, ready to fight, fearless, undefeatable etc.
Well Tirah was a test case for those abilities; the Qabail did fight but were completely routed by the Taliban. After which they fled to save their lives, just like humans would in any other part of the world. Contrary to popular racist humor, the Pathans of Pakistan are as much insaans as the rest of Pakistan.
The vulnerability of these Pakistanis from Tirah is obvious from their current status as IDPs. Romanticizing their warrior skills is good for works of fiction, but would be ridiculous if done as a policy statement to absolve the state of its responsibility to defend them.
The Pakistanis of Tirah have as much a right to be defended by the state as do the Pakistanis of Bani Gala or Zaman Park, a defense that has very conveniently been declared as “futile” by the architects of Naya Pakistan.
Can we declare our personal freedoms to be not worth fighting for? Would we be ok with a “peace” that comes at the price of polio and illiteracy for our children and of beheading, amputations and lashings for ourselves?
If our freedoms are not worth fighting for then why have we been apportioning the bulk of our budget for defense since independence? What exactly were we planning to defend if not the future of our children?
If our military has failed to contain the Taliban threat, then that asks for the military’s performance review and not that FATA be put up for sale to the buyer with the sharpest knife or the biggest gun. If collateral damage is an issue then that demands a closer scrutiny of military operations and not that our people be handed over to a band of ruthless thugs.
While many Pakistanis are crossing their fingers for a Naya Pakistan, we already have a Naya Tirah. It is a Tirah that is empty of its people, and reeks of rotting dead bodies. It is also a Naya Tirah that is making its residents yearn for the old one.
Lets not end up in a Naya Pakistan that will also make us yearn for this old one.
First appeared in View Point online on the 5th of April 2013
2012: the year in bombings
In the terrorist’s arsenal, the bomb is perhaps the most devastating and cost effective. Its cost effectiveness is apparent when compared with armed assaults or other types of attacks. Detonate a bomb from a distance, and you don’t lose any of your people, strap it on to one of yours, and that turns him/her into the worlds smartest smart bomb, one that is capable of doing the maximum damage by fine tuning its target till the final moment.
As a country that has been rocked by bombings since the 80s, Pakistan is one of the worst victims of bomb attacks. Such has been the death toll from these attacks, that bombings with single digit causality figures hardly make it to our 9 pm headlines.
There is no doubt that Pakistan is the front line state in the war on terror, but then, is all of Pakistan a front line state, or does this front line of ours have corners of bliss? Ones where the sound of a bombing comes only through the ticker on news channels?
In my search for answers, I stumbled upon this excellent data source: the South Asian Terrorism Portal (SATP). It has statistics on terrorism in Pakistan as well as other countries in the region.
One such data series was the number of bomb blasts detailed according to cities. Using this data I mapped* the bombings for 2012.
One thing to remember is that this mapping is limited to just bombings and not armed assaults like the ones that happened in Gilgit Baltistan, when Shias were lined up outside buses and shot. Its important to point out that target killings, ambushes, beheadings as well as kidnappings occur frequently in Pakistan. Especially the violence in Karachi appears much low when only bombings are taken into account. According to SATP for 2012, the highest number or terrorism related deaths amongst the provinces were reported from Sindh at 1553, followed by Balochistan at 954, KP at 656, and Punjab at 104. But I could not find the district level breakup of this data, any leads to other data sources would be much appreciated.
What I mapped is an indicator for the overall damage. Since the website provides the number of dead and injured for each bombing, I randomly assigned weights to these numbers; 0.8 for the dead and 0.2 for the injured. So a bombing with 10 dead and 20 injured gets a damage score of 12. While one with 10 dead and 40 injured gets a higher score of 16, thus differentiating between their level of damage.
The figure below shows the cumulative annual district wise scores across Pakistan. A total of 648 bombings were reported across the country in 2012 leading to 1007 deaths.
The mapping points out three zones of high incidence of bomb attacks. Districts marked in red fall in the “Very HIGH” category of damage. In total the districts/agencies marked in red account for 61% of the incidents and 79% of the deaths. These red areas are concentrated in three distinct zones.
Zone 1 includes, Peshawar, Kohat, Nowshehra and D.I.Khan from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, while Khyber, Kurram, Bajaur, Orakzai, and Mohmand agencies from FATA. This zone accounts for 39% percent of all the bomb blasts in 2012, and 59% of the deaths as a result of bomb blasts. The worst bombing of the year was carried out in Jamrud bazaar on the 10th of January 2012, in which 35 people died while 78 were injured.
Zone 2 includes the districts of Quetta, Mastung, Dera Bugti and Sibi from Balochistan, where the damage is in the “Very HIGH” category. This zone accounts for 16% percent of all the bomb blasts and 16% percent of the deaths in 2012.
Zone 3 includes the various districts of Karachi and Malir, this accounts for 7% percent of the total bomb blasts and 4% percent of the killings.
The provincial break up of incidents and killed vs injured also reveal the share of the damage between provinces.
If we lump FATA and KP together, then it accounts for 65% of the incidents and 71% of the bombing related deaths in 2012.
There is a big difference among incidents in terms of impact; a cycle bomb and a C4 laden water tanker would both be qualified as “incidents” in our listing but then in terms of impact and the ruthlessness as well as capabilities of its planners, there is a huge difference. So which districts are at the mercy of the worst villains?
For this we look at the damage per incident or the average damage for these districts. I am keeping districts with less than 15 bombings out of this calculation, as a lower denominator is not good for a representative average. Again the districts from Zone 1 show the highest damage per attack.
| DIST_NAME | KILLED | INJURED | INCIDENTS | DAMAGE = (0.2*Injured) + (0.8*Killed) | Average Damage |
| Bajaur Agency | 53 | 107 | 12 | 445.4 | 37.11666667 |
| Kurram Agency | 67 | 152 | 19 | 566.4 | 29.81052632 |
| Khyber Agency | 229 | 369 | 90 | 1905.8 | 21.17555556 |
| Peshawar | 144 | 413 | 75 | 1234.6 | 16.46133333 |
| Kohat | 37 | 62 | 19 | 308.4 | 16.23157895 |
| South Waziristan Agency | 19 | 41 | 10 | 160.2 | 16.02 |
| Quetta | 93 | 408 | 52 | 825.6 | 15.87692308 |
| Karachi | 40 | 280 | 45 | 376 | 8.355555556 |
| North Waziristan Agency | 11 | 35 | 12 | 95 | 7.916666667 |
| Nowshera | 13 | 93 | 22 | 122.6 | 5.572727273 |
| Mohmand Agency | 26 | 34 | 41 | 214.8 | 5.23902439 |
| Dera Bugti | 22 | 58 | 43 | 187.6 | 4.362790698 |
| Charsadda | 4 | 36 | 27 | 39.2 | 1.451851852 |
| Swabi | 1 | 25 | 24 | 13 | 0.541666667 |
—
Here is the district wise list of incidents and damage, ranked according to damage. Only those districts are included that came under atleast one bombing attack during 2012.
| DISTRICT NAME | KILLED | INJURED | INCIDENTS | DAMAGE = (0.2*Injured) + (0.8*Killed) |
| Khyber Agency | 229 | 369 | 90 | 1905.8 |
| Peshawar | 144 | 413 | 75 | 1234.6 |
| Quetta | 93 | 408 | 52 | 825.6 |
| Kurram Agency | 67 | 152 | 19 | 566.4 |
| Bajaur Agency | 53 | 107 | 12 | 445.4 |
| Karachi | 40 | 280 | 45 | 376 |
| Kohat | 37 | 62 | 19 | 308.4 |
| Orakzai Agency | 34 | 42 | 8 | 280.4 |
| Mastung | 29 | 67 | 4 | 245.4 |
| Mohmand Agency | 26 | 34 | 41 | 214.8 |
| Dera Bugti | 22 | 58 | 43 | 187.6 |
| Rawalpindi | 21 | 30 | 1 | 174 |
| Rahim Yar Khan | 21 | 27 | 1 | 173.4 |
| Sibi | 19 | 59 | 4 | 163.8 |
| South Waziristan Agency | 19 | 41 | 10 | 160.2 |
| D. I. Khan | 18 | 51 | 5 | 154.2 |
| Lower Dir | 17 | 17 | 4 | 139.4 |
| Nowshera | 13 | 93 | 22 | 122.6 |
| Killa Abdullah | 14 | 7 | 1 | 113.4 |
| North Waziristan Agency | 11 | 35 | 12 | 95 |
| Bannu | 10 | 36 | 4 | 87.2 |
| Upper Dir | 8 | 19 | 3 | 67.8 |
| Kech | 7 | 16 | 4 | 59.2 |
| Buner | 7 | 5 | 1 | 57 |
| Lahore | 5 | 67 | 3 | 53.4 |
| Jaffarabad | 5 | 2 | 6 | 40.4 |
| Charsadda | 4 | 36 | 27 | 39.2 |
| Nasirabad | 4 | 31 | 9 | 38.2 |
| Kohlu | 4 | 3 | 6 | 32.6 |
| Lakki Marwat | 4 | 2 | 9 | 32.4 |
| Hangu | 3 | 10 | 8 | 26 |
| Bhakkar | 3 | 0 | 1 | 24 |
| Jacobabad | 2 | 10 | 1 | 18 |
| Bolan | 2 | 6 | 4 | 17.2 |
| Zhob | 2 | 0 | 1 | 16 |
| Swabi | 1 | 25 | 24 | 13 |
| Panjgur | 1 | 10 | 3 | 10 |
| Kalat | 1 | 4 | 2 | 8.8 |
| Shangla | 1 | 4 | 1 | 8.8 |
| Vehari | 1 | 2 | 1 | 8.4 |
| Khuzdar | 1 | 1 | 2 | 8.2 |
| Loralai | 1 | 1 | 1 | 8.2 |
| Malakand PA | 1 | 1 | 1 | 8.2 |
| Tribal Area adj Tank | 1 | 1 | 1 | 8.2 |
| Tribal Area adj Kohat | 1 | 0 | 1 | 8 |
| Hyderabad | 0 | 9 | 12 | 1.8 |
| Mardan | 0 | 8 | 13 | 1.6 |
| Tribal Area adj Bannu | 0 | 6 | 2 | 1.2 |
| Tank | 0 | 5 | 5 | 1 |
| Barkhan | 0 | 3 | 1 | 0.6 |
| Nawabshah | 0 | 3 | 4 | 0.6 |
| Attock | 0 | 2 | 1 | 0.4 |
| Mansehra | 0 | 2 | 1 | 0.4 |
| Pishin | 0 | 2 | 1 | 0.4 |
| Chagai | 0 | 1 | 1 | 0.2 |
| Islamabad | 0 | 1 | 1 | 0.2 |
| Larkana | 0 | 1 | 2 | 0.2 |
| Badin | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| Ghotki | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| Khairpur | 0 | 0 | 3 | 0 |
| Multan | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| Naushahro Feroze | 0 | 0 | 3 | 0 |
| Shikarpur | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| Sukkur | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
| Ziarat | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 |
——————————————————–
Notes:
* One thing that I want to point out here is that I am using a .shp file for mapping. I got this file for free from the good people at citypulse.com. The file is a bit dated, and it does not show the latest district break up. For some of the newer districts, I am using their older parent district.
Dealing with the Devil
If the loss of a Pakistani life is the ultimate damage inflicted upon this country, then the Tehreek I Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has been far more devastating than any other enemy of Pakistan. Whether its burning buses full of Shias, beheading soldiers, murdering politicians or shooting little children, the TTP has done it all and shamelessly taken responsibility for it. Such has been their onslaught that it has raised our national threshold for shock; bombings with single digit casualties have become somewhat of a norm these days.
But that’s not it, after murdering us in our thousands; the TTP now has the gall to make demands from us. This includes distancing our self from the United States’ War on Terror (WoT) and also that we reform our constitution on more “Islamic principles”.
On the face of it, these demands could seem pretty reasonable to many, as the same is being demanded by parties such as JI, JUI-F, PML-N and PTI. But while all of these parties would agree on the issue of US’s WoT, one wonders if the Islamic overhaul of the constitution as demanded by the Taliban is the same as that proposed by our political parties?
Afterall, TTP’s Islam doesn’t allow women to get modern education, but the Late Qazi Hussain Ahmad’s daughter has a doctorate. TTP declares democracy to be haram, but Maulana Fazl ur Rehman and his brother are seasoned politicians. TTP considers polio vaccination to be an infidel ploy, but I am very sure that Imran Khan’s sons have been vaccinated.
With these violations the loved ones of these leaders have been guilty of sins as per TTP’s Islam. But then these are “crimes” that we Pakistanis consider to be our basic rights. Conflict is obvious, and so is TTP’s preference for violence as a means of conflict resolution. So then does this threat to our basic freedoms turn this into our war? or is fighting for Atta ur Rehman’s political freedom, Samia Raheel Qazi’s education, and the health of Imran Khan’s sons someone else’s responsibility? While luckily these freedoms are intact for most of us Pakistanis, but that certainly is not the case for many in FATA living under the TTP as well as the “good Taliban”.
However, the emphasis right now is on “negotiating” with the tormentors of FATA. If you listen to the chairman of PTI, it seems like he is suggesting something that has never been tried before. His disappointment is so immense and the look of triumphant vindication so strong, that you wish our rulers had the wisdom to listen to him.
But the Swat accord is not that distant a memory. The people of Swat who had voted for the most secular of political parties were suddenly assumed to be in favor of Shariah. No one ever thought about asking the Swatis, because probably the real fear was that Liberty Chowk or Jinnah Super might become the next Khooni Chowks. Therefore, in the name of “peace”, the Malalas of Swat were handed over to the wolves, just so that the rest of the country could be spared.
It was the TTP’s eagerness to bring speedy justice to the DHAs, E-7s, and Gulbergs of real Pakistan that led to decisive action against them. Ironically it even rang alarm bells among the non-Swati proponents of Nizam i Adl. The TTP apparently had reneged because the deal was to keep the beheadings, lashings and amputations limited to Swat, and NOT Pakistan-proper.
If this is the “negotiation” that we have in mind, and if the Malalas of Waziristan are now to be permanently sacrificed at the altar of the TTP, then we for sure are redefining the word Pakistani.
The freedoms of FATA should be as defense worthy as that of Punjab and Sindh. If the collateral damage from drone strikes is an outrage, then using the same shock algorithm, the subjugation and terrorization of Waziristanis should be a sacrilege. Love for the pathans of FATA shouldn’t only come out when the aggressor is the United States, but also on their continued butchery at the hands of the Taliban, which has been far more devastating than drones.
If military operations are not bearing fruit, then why is it such a taboo to review the army’s performance? Are our freedoms up for sale just because we can’t question our generals? If WAPDA can be blamed for electricity outages, and the police for a lack of crime control, then why can’t Pakistan army be blamed for failures in its military operations?
Lets negotiate but lets not make a distinction between a Waziristani and a Pakistani. Lets think of them as one and then lets choose for Wana what we would choose for Lahore and Islamabad. If it is futile to defend our freedoms then for sure it is futile to have a standing army.
Bad policing requires police reforms, and not that victims be handed over to criminals. Similarly, failures of military operations highlight the needs for accountability of our armed forces. Handing over Waziristan to ensure the peace of Islamabad is not a sustainable strategy, because there is only so much of Waziristan that can be handed out.
Denialistanis
Denialistanis are all around us, they look, walk and talk like us. Most have a green passport and quite a few have maroon and blue ones as well. But what sets denialistanis apart from the rest is the way in which they process bad news; Muslims can never be culprits and thus the infidel is at fault. Let it be a suicide bombing or a flood, it must be the Jews/Hindus/Christians, as they are all out to destroy Muslims.
Who could forget that supposed absence of 3000 Jews from the World Trade Center that implicated Mossad and not Al Qaida for 9/11? And that “RAW conspiracy” to malign Pakistani cricketers? Not to forget Ajmal Kasab’s saffron wrist band which certified him as a RAW agent?
As things stand, Al Qaida has taken responsibility for 9/11, our cricketers were conclusively found to be guilty and Hafiz Saeed has offered funeral prayers for Ajmal Kasab. But despite these resounding slaps on the wrist, what still remains is the quest for more denials in the face of overwhelming evidence.
Denialistanis, it seems, view the world through a special prism; one that shows every thing as a struggle between a feeble Muslim David and a towering infidel Goliath. The eventual victory of David is foreseen to be the proof of being on God’s side.
If one is to look for a prototype of a Muslim David, then one shouldn’t beyond the Taliban. Ill equipped, rag tag, religious and ready for war. For many, cheering them on becomes a religious obligation of sorts. And we Pakistanis did that cheerleading very effectively. At a time when Afghan Malalas were being whipped in public and Afghan Bilours executed in football stadiums, Islamabad proudly declared the Taliban to be “our boys”.
But things changed when from being the official cheerleaders for Afghanistan’s Taliban we became victims of our own Pakistani Taliban. Ideally it should have been the infidel Goliath to blame, but instead the villain turned out to be our own beloved Muslim David.
So how does one explain that?
Accepting the Jihadis as our enemies, poses substantial costs for some. Because at stake is the narrative that fuels Juma sermons, shapes our school curricula and forestalls any cuts in our military spending. Any exceptions to this will simply rob many people of their raison d‘etre. Therefore there is no other option but to twist the obvious and defend the narrative.
Consider the aftermath of the Malala incident; first came the regular “Who did it?” The Tehreek I Taliban Pakistan (TTP) proudly replied with a “We did”. This was responded with; “Who are the Taliban?” “How can one be sure that the TTP exists?” “This must be Black Water.”
Discussion is futile, because these statements are backed with a total distrust in the profession of journalism, and an unwavering faith in the magical powers of video & audio editing. Media reports that implicate the TTP are declared false, and video confessionals are attributed to video editors sitting in Langley Virginia. Interestingly these resolute shoulder-shrugging-fact-checkers are usually the same people who embraced Agha Waqar and his water kit with arms wide open.
The Malala incident was unique in the response that it got from Pakistanis. Here was a girl so focused on education that she defied the Taliban for it. A dream child for any parents worried about the education and future of their children, and thus the sympathy came pouring out.
It is exactly that sort of a response, which is needed to build a much-needed national consensus on tackling the Taliban. But a necessary victim of such a consensus would be the denialistani narrative and naturally the big guns came out to defend it.
Qazi Hussain Ahmad accused Malala’s father of bad parenting. The product of Qazi sahib’s parenting; Dr. Samia Raheel Qazi used doctored shots from a documentary to show Malala colluding with CIA officials. Maulana Fazl ur Rehman brought out the surgeon in him to declare Malala’s wounds to be fake and her recovery a drama. With the leadership stooping so low, the rank and file of these parties stooped even further and launched a hateful smear campaign against Malala.
But Malala doesn’t pose the biggest threat to the denialistani narrative, it is actually the Taliban who do. Every time TTP takes responsibility for the wanton killing of Pakistanis Muslims, it smashes the façade of, an infidel threat and a united Ummah, that has been so painstakingly created by parties such as JI, JUI-F and more recently PTI.
Imagine how smug the leadership of these parties would have been had the Taliban denied involvement in these acts of terror? But while these political parties are in the business of winning votes, the Taliban are in the business of selling fear. Incentives don’t align between the two, as JUI-F and JI have also been victims of Taliban violence.
But despite victim-hood the response of JI and JUI-F has been very different from that of the ANP. Perhaps because for the ANP this carnage is a realization of what Wali Khan had predicted back in the 80s. But for the JI and JUI-F this is a case of the chicken coming home to roost, a taste of the medicine that they prescribed for Afghanistan.
ANP’s vindication and the religious right’s embarrassment come out very clearly in the aftermath of every terrorist attack. The ANP is very clear about naming the TTP and the need for bringing it to justice. However, for the religious right even condemnation comes with reluctance about naming TTP and often the blame is put on CIA/RAW/Mossad etc. The end result is a national confusion in which TTP’s clearly worded confessions are ignored and instead the focus is put on ridiculous conspiracy theories or the futility of a military response.
This national confusion is the TTP’s biggest asset. They can spread fear by owning it, but then don’t face the consequences.
The failure of our State in delivering these consequences is a failure of our army and security agencies. This needs to be dealt with as the failure of any other Government institution. Simply initiating a new military operation would not do, seeking performance review on past military efforts is key in answering effectively to the Taliban threat.
To investigate these failures is to take on the deep state and its strategic calculus, and for that the PPP would need support from all political quarters. But this prevailing confusion robs the Government of the public support that it needs for doing so.
Despite its clarity on the Taliban issue, it’s the ANP that is paying the biggest price for this national confusion. So far the TTP has martyred more than 600 ANP members. No other political party comes close to this sacrifice.
Bashir Bilour Shaheed once said “For the love of God, please embrace this as your war. If you cant, or are too afraid to do so, then please remain silent. Don’t create confusion amongst the people.” No one listened and he paid the ultimate price for his own ideals and someone else’s political expediency. One only wonders how many Bashir Bilours would we have to sacrifice, before those spreading this confusion start paying the price for it as well. Maybe that will bring some clarity?
Discrimination Against Hazara? – II
This is in response to Mr. Kashif Jahangiri’s article that appeared in the News on the 18th of May 2010.
Mr. Jahangiri repeats his claim that the current movement for Hazara Province is a reaction to the “contempt” doled out by Pushtuns to Hazarewals. As I mentioned in my earlier article this labeling is not unique to Pukhtuns and Hazarewals, and it’s also not one sided.
While Mr. Jahangiri bemoans the label of “Punjabi” and the contempt stored in it, I would remind him of the labels “Khocha”, “Akhroat”, and “Phairay Pathanr” etc, that are bestowed on Pukhtuns by Hindko Speakers. Of course I speak of my own experience, and I certainly have not met every Hindkowan in Khyber-Pukhtunkhwa to ascertain whether they think of Pukhtuns as mentally deficient, lower life forms. I also can not conclude on the basis of my personal experience whether these comments just end at jest or are signs of deep seated hate in the hearts of Hindkowans? Any conclusion that I draw based on my own experience and anecdotes from my friends and family would be marred by subjectivity. Although the conclusion and evidence would make sense to me, it would definitely not be good enough to be used in a debate.
It is for this reason that I consider a democratically elected provincial assembly as the ideal barometer to judge whether this ethnic labeling is just jest or entrenched racism? And whether the supposed “contempt” and “hatred” of the Pashto speaking electoral base is confirmed by the attitude of their elected leaders? But as mentioned in my last article; Pukhtun majority assemblies have no qualms about electing Hindko Speaking Chief Ministers. Not only that, Hindko Speakers from Hazara Division have graced the Chiefminister-ship of the former NWFP more frequently than people from any other division. Even Pukhtun Nationalists have no qualms about accepting Hindko speakers as their leaders; the champions of the Pukhtunkhwa cause on televised debates, i.e. Haji Adeel and Bashir Bilour are both Hindko Speakers from Peshawar city who are ANP stalwarts. This evidence only highlights the harmony and bonding between these two communities. The sour experiences of a few individuals cannot be used as proof to that not being the case, especially when the evidence in support of the harmony is so massive and undeniable.
Racial discrimination and contempt, that is of any consequence is more than just verbal. The reaction to labeling and name calling subsides as one ages, and is an essential part of growing up. But if this labeling is accompanied by a history of bloodshed and economic exploitation, only then does it have the potential to mobilize whole communities, ethnicities and races into action. For instance, the epitaph “Nigger” just does not refer to the skin color of a race, but has a history of bondage, slavery and exploitation that makes it an alarm bell for those upon whom it is bestowed. Its counterpart “Red Neck” also a racist slur, does not carry the same venom as the “N-Word”, because of a lack of similar history. The Bengalis despite being an outright majority were treated in a despicable manner in Pakistan. President Ayub Khan’s reference to them as “rats” (for which he later apologized) was based on the “Martial Race” concept, which denied our Bengali Brothers many of their constitutional and economic rights. For instance, their representation in the army was negligible; a mere 5% of all the commissioned officers in Pak Army in 1965 (Library of Congress Country Study). Even in development spending the majority in East Pakistan got a much smaller share. If one is to divide the development expenditure of East Pakistan over that of West Pakistan, then from 1950 to 1970 they got just 40% of the amount that was spent on West Pakistan, in other words for every Rs. 100 spent in the minority West Pakistan, Rs. 40 were spent in the majority East Pakistan (Planning Commission of Pakistan). Therefore, I completely agree with Mr. Jahangiri when he says that the treatment doled out to Bengalis by us Pakistanis was too blood soaked to be compared with the communities in our discussion. It is also for this lack of bloodshed and a lack of economic exploitation between Hindkowans and Pukhtuns that the case presented by Mr. Jahangiri does not hold against rational scrutiny.
I also agree with Mr. Jahangiri when he says that the dismissive approach adopted by West Pakistan, in dealing with the genuine demands regarding Bangla Bhasha, was one of the key reasons for the creation of Bangladesh. Sadly this dismissive approach was not limited to Bangla Bhasha and was adopted towards the renaming of the NWFP as well. What makes the demand for Bangla Bhasha and Pukhtunkhwa legitimate is that both were backed by a numerical majority. The officialdom of Bangla Bhasha was also resisted by the Bihari Minority at that time, but as Mr. Jahangiri would agree, the dismissal of that legitimate demand was a wrong incurred by the Bengalis, a wrong that cannot be justified by quoting the opposition of Biharis. Similarly, the minority opposition to the name Pukhtunkhwa should not have been used to incur a similar wrong on the Pukhtuns.
One has to acknowledge the fact that the name Pukhtunkhwa has been approved by provincial assemblies, both with as well as without ANP majority, and thus is much more than a mere “unreasonable” demand of Pashtun Nationalists. Furthermore, the name Khyber-Pukhtunkhwa, is a result of a series of compromises on the part of those who have been demanding it. One of the earliest criticisms of the acronym NWFP was done by the founding fathers of Pakistan. The Historic Pamphlet “Now or Never” (1933) which was the Declaration of Pakistan refers to the NWFP as “Afghan Province”. Chaudhry Rehmat Ali, decried the name NWFP by saying “It is wrongful because it suppresses the social entity of these people.” The name Pakistan whose first “a” referred to the name “Afghania” incurred a major aesthetic loss, when this suggestion of the founding fathers of Pakistan was rejected. The rejection of Afghania was followed by the rejection of Pukhtunistan and then Pukhtunkhwa; names acceptable to and demanded by a majority of the Province, but denied due to minority opposition. This hyphenated Pukhtunkhwa was actually a suggestion from those who opposed the name and its acceptance showed magnanimity on part of the Pashtuns, but their chastisement rather than appreciation for agreeing to it is mind boggling to say the least.
The demand for smaller provinces is a justified demand for which our constitution has provisions. These four provinces were created to administer the population back in 1947, given the massive rise in our number since then, the creation of smaller provinces makes sense even on an administrative level. But unlike Mr. Jahangiri I would not dub the Sooba Hazara movement as a reaction to the label “Punjabiyaan”. I would not define this outpouring on the streets and calls for complete shutter-downs as a reaction to mere name calling.
Furthermore, there are Awans, Gujars, Abbasis and Jatts in Hazara who do not have a Pukhtun lineage and for whom the “denial of true identity” argument as used by Mr. Jahangiri, does not hold. Given that, I am confused as to what Mr. Jahangiri means when he says “…it is the rejection of the identity of Hazarewals that is being exploited to flare up emotions.” How is the slur “Punjabiyaan” a rejection of the identity of Awans, Gujars, Jatts, and other Non-Pukhtun Hazaraewals?
There is a fair chance that for the campaigners of the Sooba Hazara Movement, getting a province means a true realization of their identity, which is neither Pukhtun nor Punjabi but the Hazaraewal identity. Maybe they feel that with their own separate province they would be able to get an even higher level of development and prosperity. More power to them if that is the case, non-violent and peaceful democratic struggle is the only way for the achievement of their goals. Their efforts would be a fine addition to the history of democratic struggles in Pakistan and would make this country a stronger federation as well as a more mature democracy.
An edited version appeared in the The News on May 20th, 2010, under the title “Name-calling didnt trigger it”
Discrimination Against Hazara?
Violent street protests broke out in Abbotabad. (Image Credit: Reuters 2010)
This is in response to Mr. Kashif Jahangiri’s article “The real Hazara problem” that appeared in The News on the 6th of May 2010.
I must say this at the beginning that the discriminatory incidents that Mr. Jahangiri described in his article must be condemned; discrimination is wrong whether it comes in an ethnic or religious coating. But to generalize the wrong behavior of a few individuals over the entire Pukhtun community is also wrong, the same way that it is unfair to brand the whole Muslim Ummah based on the actions of a few.
Mr. Jahangiri proposes the hypothesis that the current movement for the Province of Hazara is a reaction to the “contempt” doled out to Hazarewals by Pukhtuns. I disagree with Mr. Jahangiri and my disagreement is based on two reasons; First, this ethnic labeling is not unique to Pukhtuns and Hazarewals, and also, is not one sided. Second, the intensity of this “contempt” is not as high as suggested by Mr. Jahangiri.
Linguistic differences provide the basis for ethnic identities, and the use of these differences as basis for ethnic jokes is something that is done around the world. In Pakistan, ethnic labeling exists between all linguistically different communities that are living side by side. Even in the more politically correct society of United States, jokes based on Spanish-American accent for instance, are part of the popular culture. This also does not stop at just different ethnicites, even within each language a different dialect becomes the basis for similar pun. For instance, within the Pathans; the linguistic differences between the Pukhtuns, Pashtuns and Pashteens often becomes a source for humor and labeling, and in many individual cases the difference has boiled into discrimination as well, similar to what Mr. Jahangiri has described.
While the jokes and banter part is acceptable in most cases, and cherished as diversity, it is when this difference becomes the source of outright discrimination that it becomes a problem at a community level. Living in Dublin, Mr. Jahangiri must be aware of the history of the differences between the Irish and the English, and how much blood has been spilled because of that. The Rwandan genocide that resulted in the death of almost a million people was also a result of distrust between two communities. In our own history, the discrimination against the Bengalis became the main reason for the creation of Bangladesh. Similarly, Karachi’s Pathan-Muhajir riots of the 60s, that planted the seeds of ethnic disharmony in Karachi, is another sad example; when the Pukhtuns of Karachi were riled up in the name of the then “Pukhtun” President Ayub Khan.
So how have these two communities i.e. Pukhtun Majority and Hindkowan Minority fared in the former NWFP? If the case presented by Mr. Jahangiri is correct then, a discriminatory Pashtun majority must have been a hurdle towards the political aspirations of the Hindko speaking minority. Hazarewaal politicians must have found it really hard to argue their case in the Pushtun dominated provincial assembly. But when one looks at history, nothing of that sort has happened, in fact since independence, Hazara Division has had the honor of claiming the highest number of Chief Ministers than any other division in the former NWFP. These include Sardar Bahadur Khan (1955), Muhammad Iqbal Khan Jadoon (1977), Pir Sabir Shah (1994), and Mehtab Ahmed Khan Abbasi (1999). Incidentally all four were from the Hindko speaking minority, if as suggested by Mr. Jahangiri, the Pukhtuns had strong contempt towards Hindko speakers, then this achievement would not have been possible through democratic means.
A discriminatory Pukhtun Majority, should also have leveraged its numerical strength to hog most of the provincial resources, leaving little for the Hazarewals in terms of development spending. But the reality, when measured in terms of various indicators of economic development, is that the Hindko speaking districts of Hazara have a much higher level of development than the provincial average. The “Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement Survey (PSLM) for 2006-07”, conducted by the Federal Bureau of Statistics, reveals that in the former NWFP, 26% percent of the households reported having a “RBC/RCC (concrete) roof”, with Batagram (pushto speaking) at 15.9%. In contrast the Hindko speaking districts of Abbottabad and Haripur reported 45% and 51% percent respectively, i.e. twice the provincial average. These statistics are comparable to Sialkot at 47.64% and are much higher than those for districts in southern Punjab, for instance, Multan at 19.22%, Bahawalpur at 11% and Rajanpur at 2%. Similarly in “Access to tap water”, Haripur and Abbotabad both boast 67.76% and 61.44% respectively, much higher than the provincial average at 44.19%. This comparatively higher level of development, which is no doubt a reflection of a better quality of life, is confirmed through a variety of other indicators pertaining to health, literacy and sanitation. If there had been well entrenched hate and discrimination against the Hazarewals then they would not have been able to achieve this level of development as a minority.
Mr. Jahangiri also mentions the use of the word “Khariyaan” i.e. hindko speakers of Peshawar City, as a derogatory term used by the Pathans. Well if that was true then how is it possible for Khariyaan such as the Bilours, Haji Adeel and Syed Aqil Shah to become the top leaders of a Nationalist Pukhtun Party? As I understand politics, leaders are defined by their popularity and acceptance; followers would not follow someone whom they consider “inferior”. For instance; did Malcom X even stand a chance for a membership in the Ku Klux Klan (KKK)? If one is to extend this KKK analogy to this situation, then these Black Khariyaan have risen to level of Grand Dragons in this Pashtun Ku Klux Klan. Paradoxical indeed, if one is to accept Mr. Jahangiri’s assertion.
But instead of acknowledging the prominence of these Khariyaan in Pukhtun Nationalism, Mr. Jahangiri disapproves of the Bilours, by terming them as Non-Pukhtuns pretending to be Pukhtuns. I must say that, this argument uses a logic that is very antiquated and defies modern sensibilities. If a Pukhtun lineage does not stop a Tareen, Tanoli, Jadoon, or Swati to stand shoulder to shoulder with the Awans, Gujars, Jatts, and Abbasis of Hazara, in the name of the Hindko Language and Hazarewal identity, then by the very same principle, the Khariyaans of Peshawar have every right to stand shoulder to shoulder with the Pushto speaking Pukhtuns in the name of the Pukhtun identity. The notion of lineage based identity and the consequent generalization of races based on their bloodline, is an old and obsolete concept. The rejection of the name “Pukhtunkhwa”, by the descendents of Ahmad Shah Abdali’s soliders i.e; Jadoons, Tareens and Tanolis is living proof that, when it comes to ethnic loyalties, successful cultural assimilation can leave bloodlines and lineages to be pretty much meaningless.
I would conclude by saying that: the higher development levels of the Hindko Speaking districts of Khyber-Pukhtunkhwa, the frequent election of minority Hindkowaans to the Chief Minister-ship of a Pukhtun majority parliament, and the key leadership positions of Hindkowaans in the ANP, provides ample proof of the cultural harmony that exists between Hindko Speakers and Pukhtuns in Khyber-Pukhtunkhwa. This harmony is an achievement, the equivalent of which is very hard to find in Pakistan. It also is an achievement that cannot be discredited through mere anecdotal evidence.
An edited version appeared in The News on May 14th 2010
I Opyne 
